Friday, October 31, 2025

American Devolution: Talking Decentralism

‘If the New England states formed their own pact and began to separate themselves from the decisions of the federal government wherever they can and formed, in a sense, a resistance alliance, we might be at the beginning of a decentralization process.” — Greg Guma, 2025



On October 10, 2025 I spoke with author and publisher Jim DeFilippi on his video podcast, Blue Smoke and Black Ink, about my upcoming novel, The Trials of Celia, available Nov, 26, 2025, and experiences managing Pacifica radio almost two decades ago, described in detail in previous books, Managing Chaos and Planet Pacifica. But then the discussion took an unexpected turn — to the current state of American politics. Below is an edited version of that exchange. To watch the complete half hour interview, go to Blue Smoke and Black Ink.

Jim DeFilippi: You;’ve written a book called Fake News: Journalism in the Age of Deceptions. How would it be if you were king of the world? How would you prefer journalism to be processed and distributed? I assume you think it’s mostly phony right now. What’s the solution to that? 


First of all, I wouldn’t want to be king. I don’t think we need a king — of the world or the country. But right now we have a very few people with control of very powerful social media vehicles. In a sense, we’ve been captured by people who control algorithms that determine what we see and have a strong influence, even stronger than television networks ever had in the old days, over how we think about issues. Unfortunately, truth is very difficult to find. And with AI it will become even more difficult. 


Concerning solutions, diversity is one of the strategies. It requires an educated public; media literacy, taught and encouraged from a very young age, which would encourage people to ask more questions, to be inquisitive and somewhat skeptical. That’s a skill people will need to exercise more and more.


If I was in charge of an organization that could influence public thought, I would encourage people to have diverse sources of information, to question authority, to decentralize power wherever you can. That’s where I may separate myself from some on the left, in this country and around the world, those who want to return to the past. Some say, “if only we could recapture the norms of the past in the United States.” But I think that, although having “United States” may have been a good idea at some point — although the jury is out on that — we no longer have one country. We have several different countries and cultures. The culture of the south and the west are as different from the culture of New England as they are from countries in Europe


But let’s look on the bright side. If we can encourage more autonomy, regional autonomy, the challenging of repressive or obsolete laws, and the encouragement of regional pacts between states and local communities, we can begin to create regional cultures. If the New England states formed their own pact and began to separate themselves from the decisions of the federal government wherever they can and formed, in a sense, a resistance alliance, we might be at the beginning of a decentralization process. That will not recreate the United States. In a way, the United States has probably ended. It’s been disunited, a process that was probably underway before Trump, but he’s accelerated it. He’s made the differences obvious. 


Now you have a strong minority of the country that disagrees with the direction that the other strong minority is going. We don’t have majoritarian control of the country. We have a minority movement of Christian nationalists, which has taken control of one of the political parties and, through it, the national government, and is attempting to force its vision on the rest of the country. And I think that this will continue to be resisted. The question is what is the effective resistance? I would say a gradual devolution and decentralization of power, and giving more power to states and regions to create their own future, is the beginning of a solution.


DeFilippi: That’s an amazing theory. You and I grew up in a world where people listened to Walter Cronkite or read the New York Times, or two or three other trustworthy networks or sources, and it’s all gone, isn’t it?


But that was a myth. I don’t know if you agree with me, but for example, Walter Cronkite used to say “That’s the way it is.” But often that wasn’t the way it was. He was a messenger of the political establishment of that time. The consensus was easier to manufacture, as Noam Chomsky would say. You had three networks, and their anchors all came up through the same journalistic community. There was much more consensus, at least among that particular elite. Now that has broken down and we have a proliferation of voices. The problem is no longer scarcity. It is figuring out what is true, what is relevant and accurate. The problem is overabundance. We’re being assaulted with information to the point where we have trouble deciding what to believe, and what not to believe. And the future is not going to make that any easier. 


The idea that we’re going to reach some future consensus, that there is going to be one America again, that we’ll all buy into the same vision again — I think that’s a fantasy. 


One of the problems is that with all the different sources of “news” you’d think people would be open to various political and social opinions. But they’re not. People on both sides of the cultural divide have become more hardened in their beliefs and refuse to listen to the other side. You need to free people who feel captives of an oppressive system. The left feels it is being forced to submit to a repressive regime. The right feels it’s been victimized and persecuted and is now seeking retribution and revenge. 


But if you free people from those beliefs — some of them myths, some true to a certain extent — if you allow people to feel they can express themselves, then they will be more open to other ideas. Now we have a dynamic where, if you admit the other side has any point at all, you are viewed by your side as a traitor. That produces more conformity. This is the process we’ve seen. Compromise has become a dirty word and the proposed solutions are often maximalist. We can’t just change the police, we got to defund it. Israel is not just wrong in what it has been doing in Gaza, it’s committing genocide. People are forced to take sides and become rigid, and not able to admit that other valid points of view are possible. 


We need to liberate people by allowing them to have more choices. But they’re not going to have choices if they feel they’re forced into a bifurcated system that doesn’t permit that. 


Europe would still be at war if the Germans had won World War II, still resisting under German values. Because you have the French and Germans and British and Italians, which have different values and priorities. Today they co-exist with the European community. Now, there is an American community. But do we have “united states?” No, the states are not united, and it’s getting worse rather than better. 


That’s why I say we need a gradual devolution of power to states and regions. The Supreme Court and some on the right agree with this, the idea that power should be local, and devolve to states when possible. 


In the 1970s, I worked with both conservatives and liberals in Vermont to create a group called the Decentralist League. It was led by John McClaughry, a conservative activist, and Bob O’Brien, who had just run for governor as a Democrat. The organization did not survive, in part derailed by Reagan’s election. But the idea was correct, I believe, that there were areas where the left and right could agree. We need to focus on such areas and prioritize them. Right now, saving health care is one of them. The Speaker has kept the House out of session for two main reasons. One is the Epstein files, but the other is to avoid the debate over the future of Obamacare subsidies


I think if we can prioritize that and a few other issues like the environment, the left and right could find some common ground. There will be obstacles. Right-wing libertarians prefer privatization, for example, and have problems with arguments for equality. And the left has its effort to apply forms of social engineering and needs to find its way back from that. But if you start a process of devolution, although you will still have those debates, you will be more able to find some common ground and a way forward.


As long as we have a dictatorial regime, the country is unlikely to become united again. But even if a Democrat became president, that would not fundamentally change. 



Above: Two books on Vermont and two previous novels;
Below: A non-fiction companion to Spirits of Desire
and an abbreviated look at Pacifica radio 

Monday, October 20, 2025

Thinking Globally and Acting Locally: An Interview

“When you deconstruct a regime and you don’t have anything to put in its place you create a lot of chaos.”    — Greg Guma, 2017 




In 2017, I was interviewed by the Peace Economy Project about corporate globalization, the rise of Donald Trump, the decline of America, and how Vermont communities have responded to past challenges. The Project’s mission is to research military spending and advocate for a more stable, peaceful economy. The interview focused specifically on the relevance of analysis in my 2003 book, Uneasy Empire: Repression, Globalization, and What We can Do, but also referenced my work for peace and justice through journalism, essays, politics and civic activism over several decades

A resident of Burlington, Vermont for more than 40 years at the time, I had previously edited the Vermont Vanguard Press from 1978 to 1982, published syndicated columns in the 1980s and 90s, and edited Toward Freedom, a progressive publication on global affairs, from the mid-90s to 2004. In 2000, I organized one of the first independent media conferences and in 2006 became CEO of Pacifica Radio. 


Question: In “Uneasy Empire” you talked about the growth of an American Empire and the dominance of organizations like the North American Free Trade Agreement, the World Trade Organization and huge corporations in that empire. You see corporate globalization as crushing the power of the individual and placing it in the hands of transnational corporations and governing bodies that work on their behalf. Are you saying something about scale in our economy?


“Scale is an issue on a number of levels,” I said. “The world government we see around us seems to be in a period of realignment, and some of the old architecture is being taken down. Uneasy Empire offers a globalist perspective. There are many problems that transcend national solutions. A global governance regime to handle this would be very big, but the real issues are access and accountability. Donald Trump is currently trying to establish an alliance of rogue states. He’s also continuing a long-term centralization of power, even though it’s based on ad-hoc relationships among power groups.

        “Some of Trump’s paranoia about China is sincere. There are problems posed by China’s rise, but the models that dominated in the past have been threatened by corporate globalization. This scares many people. There was a challenge more than 15 years ago to all of this (beginning with the Seattle WTO protests). It reached a high water mark before 9/11. Since then there has been a populist upheaval in response to the forces that control our lives and this in turn has led to a resurgence in authoritarianism. 
        “It often seems like the United Nations is irrelevant in all of this. But there is a chance for a democratic globalist solution if we reform those institutions. The authoritarian model is destined to fail.” 

During the interview, I noted that President Donald Trump’s nationalist-populist style of politics and the left leaning supporters of Senator Bernie Sanders, who had run for President in 2017, were both reacting against the type of globalism that only benefited corporate America. However, I argued that Trump’s administration was accelerating this trend.

“Trump’s regime is radical,” I said. “He’s letting many positions go unfilled and putting people in charge of agencies who want to destroy them. There has been an increase in smaller wars in the past 30 years. This helps companies associated with the defense industry and defense contractors. Going forward, I think we’ll see more small wars, environmental refugees and competition for resources. We know we need to establish bonds in our communities and build a different future, but right now we are stuck psychologically.”


Question: I’ll bet you feel the military-industrial complex is very much a part of the trends you are talking about in “Uneasy Empire: Repression, Globalization and What We Can Do?”


“The U.S. as a declining hegemon, and will become more of a mercenary state. We have matured as a global power. We once used soft power solutions like the Marshall Plan, aide and trade, but now we’re moving more and more toward military solutions. The US was considered a good partner in the past and there was more mutual respect. But Trump is accelerating a trend that would have happened anyway: He’s making us untrustworthy.

“Nation building is not something we do anymore. The American empire advanced through diplomacy and trade. Now we have a small arms race going on. We see the transfer of weapons to other countries and more arms proliferation. When you deconstruct a regime and you don’t have anything to put in its place you create a lot of chaos. This is a phenomena of growth and decay. We’re seeing it now in the decay of the corporate global system. Something will need to be built in its wake.”


Question: Now that we’ve heard the bad part, what do you recommend to combat the trends you’ve dissected?


“It’s going to happen at the local level. It’s good to have an eye on the big picture, but where we should spend our effort is where we live and where we can see change occur. This was a lesson I lived in Burlington, Vermont. In doing the peace work we did, we thought we would improve our lives. We were able to change the local culture and also have a ripple effect that changed the state.”

Since the late 1960s, the interviewer noted, Vermont citizens had created an economy with a strong local flavor. There were consumer cooperatives, community based agriculture projects, local businesses, alternative media outlets and social action oriented non-profits in the state. People worked on the local level for a new type of economy, creating something better.

“We had an influx of new people in the 60s and 70s,” I said. “Then you see this proliferation of activity around the environmental movement and the peace movement. We pushed agendas at town meetings. Vermont has a strong tradition when it comes to Town Meeting, and we used it to put peace proposals onto the ballot. This gave people a model to look at and led to a more tolerant, open culture. You can create something local that will spread.”



Question: I’ve heard people talk about thinking globally and acting locally. Can this work for those trying to create a more peaceful world?


“We did it here in Vermont. What we did was to use local initiatives to create something like our own foreign policy. We brought forward a series of initiatives to define what we wanted in a foreign policy. Local governments can have a big impact. We look stances on many issues. For example, we took an anti-interventionist stance on Latin America, opposed apartheid, and formed groups to educate citizens on these issues. We also had Sister City programs to promote tolerance and understanding. If you do this over a period of years it starts to change consciousness.”

In addition to working in journalism, in the 1980s I owned a bookstore that was often used as a hub of social activism and served as coordinator of Burlington’s Peace and Justice Center, a leading activist group during that period. Looking back, I recalled the effectiveness of the 1980s nuclear freeze movement. City councils in Vermont, and later around the country, passed resolutions promoting a freeze in the number of nuclear weapons in the US nuclear arsenal. I noted that a similar effort would still be effective in the movement to ban nuclear weapons. 

“The circumstances are totally different now due to the freeze movement of the 80s,” I noted. “People’s ideas on nuclear arms changed. Even Ronald Reagan changed his mind. This was a real victory for the peace movement.”


The original interview:

https://peaceeconomyproject.org/wordpress/thinking-globally-and-acting-locally-an-interview-with-greg-guma/?cat=7


Friday, October 10, 2025

The Trials of Celia — a touching slice of American life

 “A unique and unknown side-story of American history, researched brilliantly, told beautifully.”                   Jim DeFilippi

“Guma has brought a troubled but touching slice of American history to life.”                                                                    — Kirkus Reviews

A New Novel

Available November 26, 2025


Celia Mudd began life as a slave. But in 1902, Sam Lancaster — once her master — made her the main beneficiary of his will. Now she could own the Kentucky farm on which she has lived — as servant and employee — for more than 40 years. 


But first she has to defend her inheritance. During a controversial trial, she faces Robert Lancaster, who claims the land is rightfully his and, before dying, his brother must have been incompetent, insane or seduced to make such a gift.


Based on a true story, using trial transcripts, letters and personal reflections, The Trials of Celia reveals how two families — one free and white, another enslaved and black — became intertwined after their arrival in America 200 years before. Against the backdrop of the 1903 trial, it focuses on four decades — from 1862 to the early 20th century — moving back and forth, exploring social dynamics during the Civil War, how emancipation created fresh challenges, conflicting courtroom testimony, and the complex relationships between Celia,  Ann Lancaster — the white woman who educated her, and the brothers who struggled over control of the land they all loved.


The Trials of Celia is an engaging historical mystery and a moving family drama of struggle, deceit, faith, guilt and reconciliation.


“The relationship between Celia and Sam is well handled in all its contradictions. There are two people bound by their time and place but tentatively reaching out to each other. Racism rules that society like a despotic god, but for once basic decency—and something very much like love—wins out.”                             

— Kirkus Reviews    


Zoom Video Interview: Blue Smoke and Black Ink with Jim DeFilippi      


RECENT BOOKS


             THEORY                               SPIRIT                             MEDIA



PRISONERS OF THE REAL (2023)


Fear and domination are leading the planet to a dead end. But there is a way forward, transformative leadership that goes beyond blind rationality and authoritarian solutions. 


Buy Prisoners of the Real 


Summary: Embracing Change


INTO THE MYSTIC (2023)


The amazing true story of how Helena Blavatsky and Henry Olcott brought ancient Eastern wisdom to the West and created the foundation for the modern New Age movement. 


Companion to Spirits of Desire, currently being adapted for film


Buy Into the Mystic


Film Website: Woman of Another World


MANAGING CHAOS (2024)


An eye-witness account that explores the unique, tumultuous history of Pacifica radio and alternative media in America.  


Buy Managing Chaos


Review: Who Will Tell Us the News?