Wednesday, June 4, 2025

Secret History: From the Fringes to the Mainstream

BY GREG GUMA

Part One: Bilderbergers come to Vermont and the CFR’s school for statesmen

Hotel de Bilderberg in Oosterbeek, Holland, site of the first Bilderberger conference

Exclusive groups with hidden agendas aren’t paranoid fantasies, or just popular plot points for movies. There have been, and continue to be, actual covert schemes and conspiracies, both above and under ground, and secretive elites with hidden, manipulative or sometimes dangerous game plans. Not all of them are bent on destruction; some just want to disrupt the status quo, others may even have altruistic goals. And fortunately, no one of them yet has put all of humanity completely under their thumbs. On the other hand, they are not to be underestimated or ignored.

In the late 1970s, the Trilateral Commission took the lead through President Jimmy Carter, looking toward a global power-sharing arrangement between the US, Europe (led by Germany), and Japan. That plan didn’t get too far. During the Reagan Years, trilateralism gave way to the Heritage Foundation, which developed a more nativist blueprint, a bit like Trump’s Project 2025. Heritage didn’t just promote a militant response to foreign threats. It took direct aim at “the un-American nature of so much so-called dissidence.” Reagan gave the implementation job largely to his chief lawyer, Edwin Meese, who had attended Heritage meetings and reportedly “relied heavily” on its advice as attorney general.

Before either Heritage or the Trilateralists, there was the Bilderberg group, whose mere existence was once hard to swallow. Maybe it was that unlikely name. If you added that it met annually — with no press coverage, and yet made major international policy decisions, the usual reaction was an arched eyebrow. Today, however, with the idea of a “deep state” and “great replacement” conspiracy widely accepted on the right, plus historical revisions being pushed into textbooks and schools, it doesn’t sound as far-fetched.

The name came from the hotel in Oosterbeek, Holland used for the first session in 1954. After that, meetings were held around the world, including a 1971 gathering in Woodstock, Vermont. "The purpose of the conference," said Prince Bernhard, the Dutch aristocrat who promoted the group and chaired meetings for more than 30 years, "is that eminent persons in every field get the opportunity to speak freely without being hindered by the knowledge that their words and ideas will be analyzed, commented upon and eventually criticized in the press." At the time, Bernhard, who married Holland’s Princess Juliana, was a spokesman for NATO as well as Dutch interests in South America. 

Nevertheless, US Senator James Buckley wrote in 1974 that, "I don’t subscribe to the theory that there exists an organization of international bankers called the Bilderbergers." A strange reaction since his brother, William F. Buckley, was on the guest list that year.

Or consider this evasion. In response to an inquiry in 1975 a US Justice Department official said the White House knew nothing about the Bilderbergers. Yet President Ford attended meetings of the group throughout the 1960s, and Donald Rumsfeld, both Chief of Staff and Secretary of Defense under Ford, knew the group as "an open forum for the exchange of ideas." 

The Bilderberg Group rarely appeared in CIA files. In 1975, however, declassified staff notes mentioned the conference in one paragraph. They revealed that the event would be held in Turkey that April. Inflation was to be discussed  and UK Prime Minister Thatcher had been invited. 

After the 1971 Vermont session, a hotel employee put it succinctly: "They get together once a year to talk about what is going to happen in the world." 


In May 1958, Joseph Johnson, a member of the Bilderberg Steering Committee, responded to an inquiry by the CIA’s Allen Dulles about the group’s activities. 


Officially, the Bilderberg meeting in Woodstock, convening April 23, 1971, was billed as "an international peace conference." US State Department officials had conferred with Vermont State Police about the security arrangements. The state supplied 30 men in plain clothes to support a private, armed security force, the FBI and Secret Service, even though several Vermont officials claimed they knew nothing about the event. 


One-hundred-fifty guards and officers blanketed what was then a small town of 1,600, sealing off Laurence Rockefeller’s hotel and estate. Everything was set for the arrival of 85 leaders from around the world. Limousines brought them from Lebanon, New Hampshire, where an air shuttle from Boston had been arranged. 


Although Bernhard issued a terse press statement when his plane touched ground at Boston’s Logan Airport, one participant, Francois Duchene of the London Institute of Strategic Studies, who attended with then British Defense Minister Denis Healey, later explained that, "America must face a Western Europe and Japan that are more independent." That fit, since one scheduled topic was, "A change in the US role in the world." 


To Major Glenn Davis of the Vermont State Police it was "a hairy scene. No one seemed to know just who was in charge of what." But in the conference room, once all employees had been cleared from the building, order reigned. Seating was arranged alphabetically with Bernhard at the head of the table. Remarks were normally limited to five minutes, with two "working papers" as discussion foci. 


Henry Kissinger, then Nixon’s National Security Advisor, missed the first session, but became the main event when he delivered a briefing on US plans. Months later, he was charged by conservatives with leaking news about an upcoming China trip by President Nixon and a devaluation of the dollar. After the 1971 conference banks and major corporations shifted capital out of the US, mainly to West Germany. Nixon’s China initiative eventually became public information. In December, the dollar was devalued, resulting in gains for people who had already converted to European currency. A "change in the US role" was under way, Bilderbergers may have helped make it happen, and clearly knew in advance. 


When I wrote about it later, Marcellus Parsons, news director at WCAX, Burlington’s leading TV station, complained to my editor about the story. The event wasn’t so secret, he claimed, comparing my coverage to a story in the conservative Manchester Union Leader, which headlined it as “Secret Meeting in Secluded Resort.” Journalists just couldn’t get in to cover it, he argued. “These meetings are not as secret in Europe as they are here,” Parsons added, but mainly because the US press “really didn’t give a damn.” And what was so wrong, he concluded, with economic and political leaders “who just want to sit down for a giant off the record bull session.


The truth is that private groups like the Bilderbergers, which helped to build a post-war system of de facto global management, didn’t often actually discuss peace. Rather, their main concern was managing the world economy. Originally, Bilderberg meetings were meant to strengthen the Atlantic alliance, and gradually became an open conspiracy to develop consensus among political and business leaders beyond the power of nation states. In the 1950s, Prince Bernhard brought the idea to the CIA, and with its assistance won support from the Ford and Rockefeller foundations. The money flowed through the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, whose director, Joseph Johnson, coordinated US Bilderberg activities. 


Over the years the group became a model for transnational diplomacy, lending support to European integration and oil company policies. Its steering committee was a who’s who of international finance; David Rockefeller, Gabriel Hauge (Manufacturer’s Hanover Trust), Emilio Collado (Standard Oil, later Exxon), and international lawyers such as Arthur Dean and George Ball. All US steering committee members were also members of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), which had dominated US foreign policy planning since World War II. 


One key member was George Ball, a long-time CFR member, director of the Trilateral Commission, Undersecretary of State, and lawyer with Lehman Brothers. Another was Arthur Dean, CFR member, and partner in the Sullivan and Cromwell law firm, whose other partners included John Foster and Allen Dulles. Before World War II Sullivan and Cromwell had worked with German chemical and steel monopolies. By the time the Bilderbergers began to meet, attorney Allen Dulles had become CIA director.


The Council on Foreign Relations had ties to the financial empires of Rockefeller, Rothschild and Morgan. Although its philosophical roots can be traced back to Fabian Socialism, it was later instrumental in creating the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. For decades, its resident members and "international citizens" formed an aristocracy of financiers, academics, lawyers, journalists and public officials who profoundly influenced US foreign policy from the 1940s to the rise of Trump. It still publishes a monthly journal, Foreign Affairs.


Columnist Joseph Kraft, a CFR member, once called this semi- secret elite a "school for statesmen." For more than half a century, its main objective  was to create a “new international order." To many leftists that read as US imperialism; to right-wingers it translated roughly as world government.


The CFR was born at the Majestic Hotel in Paris, May 19, 1919, just as the World War I peace talks were winding down. The meeting to create an international planning group was called by "Colonel" Edward Mandell House, Texas oil man, power broker and presidential advisor, whom Wilson called his "alter ego." The Colonel’s Paris conference was geared to generate support from finance czars (the gold and dollars alliance of Rothschild and Rockefeller) and liberal internationalists. 

By 1950 CFR members and influencers filled many American cabinet posts. Its members were a new nobility: Nelson Rockefeller, Averill Harriman, Dean Rusk, Walter Lippman, and Allen Dulles, to name but a few.  

When Dulles died in 1969, President Nixon said, "In the nature of his task, his achievements were known to only a few." Dulles’ main tasks from the 1940s on were intelligence gathering, spreading disinformation and staging covert operations. He viewed this as a craft, and managed to elevate espionage to professional status. As much the architect as the prosecutor of the Cold War, he handled many of the CFR’s and CIA’s "dirty tricks." 

Back in 1919 Dulles had attended the Paris talks with “Colonel” House, then joined the US State Department. By the late 1920s he had become a partner in the Wall Street law firm of Sullivan and Cromwell, which worked with Adolph Hitler’s financial agent to acquire the largest German monopolies, steel and chemicals, as clients. Dulles joined the board of the Henry Schroeder Trust banking group in the 1930s, while Schroeder helped to bankroll the Nazis. 

But allegiances changed when the war began. Dulles left the firm and began spying at a high level in the Office of Strategic Services (OSS), a new US intelligence and subversion network that evolved into the CIA. In 1944 the spymaster worked on two key covert missions: liquidating the Fuhrer and working out peace terms with other Nazis without letting Russia find out.

Also on Center for Global Research


Part Two: Spy Games, the Kennedy Case, and Secrets of the Illuminati 

Espionage is the business of secrecy, manipulation and deception. It breeds conspiracies, including hidden networks of mercenaries that transcend national interests. The Reagan years brought the public exposure of a “secret team” that pursued covert operations around the world for decades. But long before that, in the summer of 1944, another covert network blanketed Europe as the Allies broke into German territory. 

One spy on the job was George deMohrenschildt, a career agent who knew German intelligence well from work with the Abwehr 2 (Nazi spies within the US) before the war. In the 1940s he shot film in Poland, built ties with French and German agents, and scouted for oil interests. 

Allen Dulles was running OSS operations in Switzerland, while another agent, Joseph Retinger, promoted Polish liberation from Germany. Like deMohrenschildt, Retinger also had oil contacts; his were Mexican, dating back to the 1920s. He had worked in London with the exiled Polish government. In August 1944, at age 58, he parachuted into Nazi territory near Warsaw just before liberation, bringing money to Polish nationalists. 

Meanwhile, Dulles, who had urged US entry into the war on grounds of "enlightened selfishness," was handling other parts of the plan. With German Abwehr and diplomats he tried to assassinate Hitler, and although the plots failed, Hitler soon died — presumably a suicide. A year later, following Retinger’s lead, Dulles helped to launch the Cold War by scheming to cut Russia out of the surrender negotiations. The larger point is that the old networks did not simply dissolve, and may have led to President Kennedy’s death. 

The daring Joseph Retinger went on to become the philosophical father of a united Europe, as well as the man who urged Prince Bernhard to launch the Bilderberg conferences. Allen Dulles, of course, went well beyond the OSS, which amassed a $75 million budget and developed a worldwide network by the time Truman disbanded it. Dulles attended Bilderberg sessions, drafted the plan for the CIA, and ran the agency for nine years, beating back legislative drives to crack the web of secrecy. 

Dulles’ friends said he had a "zest for conspiracy." Be that as it may, he believed that, "We cannot safely limit our response to the Communist strategy of take-over solely to those cases where we are invited in by a government still in power." He felt so strongly about taking the initiative that the CIA secretly helped to oust liberal regimes in Iran in 1953 and Guatemala in 1954.

Five years later the CIA saw a new threat: Fidel Castro. That’s where deMohrenschildt fits in. After the war, he resettled in Dallas, and renewed his ties with other anti-Communist Russians. He worked on contract with both the CIA and oil companies, his cover occupation "petroleum geologist." His walking tour from Dallas to Panama in 1961 landed him in Guatemala City, where he made contact with anti-Castro Cubans and mercenaries revving up for a failed invasion eventually called the Bay of Pigs. 

Two years later, working with money from right-wing Dallas oil baron H.L. Hunt, a core of CIA agents unhappy with Kennedy’s crackdown on "the company," and some bitter Bay of Pigs survivors, deMohrenschildt found a new mission: helping to orchestrate the assassination of a president. Coordinating things for him locally was an FBI informer, Jack Ruby. 

When John Kennedy visited Dallas in November, 1963 the American dream was shattered, the beginning of a slow but inexorable disillusionment with democracy. Ever since, millions have searched for the how and why of his assassination. Over the last 50 years, between 60% and 80% of Americans have accepted some kind of JFK conspiracy theory. A 2023 Galuppoll indicated that 65% believe others were involved. Only 29% thought Oswald acted alone. But even if it was a group, who was involved? The CIA, Cuba, mafia hitmen, all of the above? What role did Jack Ruby play? How about the cops or FBI?

In 1976, ex-agent Robert Morrow told his version of Kennedy’s murder to the House Assassination Committee. The assassination team, he claimed, combined CIA agents and anti-Castro Cubans with whom he had previously worked on schemes to run guns and pump bogus money into Cuba. On November 22, 1963, according to Morrow, it went this way: 

Three teams were in place by 12:30, linked via walkie-talkie to Guy Bannister, a former Chicago FBI chief who handled anti-Castro operations in New Orleans. Two men were stationed behind a stockade fence near the grassy knoll, with another two inside the county court building overlooking Dealey Plaza; one of them was Jack Ruby. 

Ruby had worked in Chicago in the 1950s, a mafia soldier accused at the time of murdering the treasurer of the Waste Handlers Union. In Dallas Ruby built ties with police while running a bar, and ran guns to Cuban exiles under orders from alleged CIA agent Clay Shaw. Ruby also worked with George deMohrenschildt, the veteran spy with ties to H.L. Hunt. 

Lee Oswald, the fall guy, was in the Texas Book Depository that day, according to Morrow, but probably on the second floor — while a "second Oswald" fired from the sixth-floor window. 

Ruby’s police contacts came in handy after the job. In The Assassination Tapes, researcher George O’Toole revealed that Ruby knew Sgt. Gerry Hill, who not only found the rifle shells used in the murder but arrived early at the shooting of Officer Tippit and helped to arrest Oswald. He may have arranged evidence to implicate Oswald before the investigation began. 

The coverup was almost instinctive. Hoover and the FBI were embarrassed at having used Oswald as an informer. The CIA was directly implicated, since several conspirators had worked on covert Cuban projects, even after the Bay of Pigs. False trails threw investigators off the scent, the most insidious of these promoted by a journalist, Lonnie Hudkins, shortly after Kennedy’s death. Hudkins asserted that the President was killed in retaliation by Cuban agents, including Oswald, when they learned about US plots to assassinate Castro. But Hudkins was a friend of Jack Ruby’s, working with him in gun smuggling days. He was also a former employee of both the CIA and H.L. Hunt. 

Morrow claimed that it wasn’t Cubans, but a group within the CIA that wanted to stop Kennedy’s drive to subordinate "the company" to the Defense Intelligence Agency. They and Cuban exiles also held a specific grudge — namely, that Kennedy had held back on naval support during the Bay of Pigs invasion. But oil interests and organized crime also had much to gain: a "liberated" Cuba open to investments and an end to organized crime investigations. 

Of course, that’s just Morrow’s take on the tragedy.

Since the 1960s countless theories have been advanced about the assassination. One that received more favorable press coverage was the work of Edward Epstein, He received $500,000 from Reader’s Digest for a tale about Oswald as a Marxist, who supposedly gave U-2 spy plane secrets to Russia and then worked through the FBI to kill Kennedy. But it was similar to Lonnie Hudkins’ version.

In the 1960s, when New Orleans D.A. Jim Garrison started to investigate the Kennedy plot, Epstein had attacked him. That drew praise from CIA chief Richard Helms, a friend of Shaw’s, who circulated the writing as a model debunking of the prevailing conspiracy theory. While Epstein prepared his book, Legend, in the late 1970s, several important sources died suddenly, either shortly before or after meeting him. 

In March 1977, for example, deMohrenschildt talked with Epstein, and within minutes was found dead of gunshot wounds. The old spy had apparently agreed to testify on his part in Kennedy’s death. But digging into those events could have led to a new surge of suspicions. Like secret agents before him, deMohrenschildt turned out to be a disposable asset.

Kerry Thornley, who was in the Marines with Oswald and later founded the "Discordian" religion, developed an even stranger theory. He believed the culprits were the Bavarian Illuminati, a 200-year-old secret society. Oddly enough, Jim Garrison thought for a while that Thornley was the "second Oswald." In time, Thornley came to think that Garrison, and even his own friends, were Illuminati agents. 

"All conspiracy buffs are persecuted eventually," joked Robert Anton Wilson, author of an imaginative conspiracy-based trilogy of novels, Illuminatus. Wilson knew Thornley and watched his obsession consume him; yet Wilson managed to transcend paranoia, transforming the strange, divergent theories surrounding Kennedy’s death — and other conspiracies — into inventive satire. 

In Illuminatus the death of Kennedy is part of a speculative history which begins in Atlantis and extends into politics, mythology, and the occult. The central mystery is the true identity of the Illuminati: Are they defunct, a secret society founded in 1776 and suppressed by the Bavarian government within 10 years? Was the eye in the pyramid on US currency an Illuminati symbol given to Thomas Jefferson by a stranger in a black cloak? Is the Council on Foreign Relations a more recent manifestation of the original Illuminati? Are they controlled by bankers or anarchists, Jesuits or Satanists? Were they revived by the Nazis, or are they instead extraterrestrial visitors who want to help humanity evolve? 

I tend to agree with Wilson, who argues that the world is full of competing conspiracies, the sacred and profane, and has the good sense to maintain a dark sense of humor about them all. 

Pursuit of hidden knowledge leads naturally to belief in one conspiracy or another. Since I began looking into this complex web of connections, the theories have moved from the political fringe to the mainstream. Trump’s MAGA movement, not to mention QAnon, thrives on them, while his core supporters, advisers and allies look more and more like an open conspiracy of corporate gangsters and grifters. They have even begun to rewrite history. In Oklahoma, for example, history teachers will soon have to teach the so-called “theory” that the Democratic Party stole the 2020 presidential election from Trump. In several states educational gag orders have been proposed to limit the teaching and discussion of certain topics.

As Shelley Wolfe, the psychopathic oligarch in my sci fi novel, Dons of Time, explains, “We’re going to own history.” His goal, using advanced technology, is to decide which moments are “suitable for public consumption, and which to bury or ignore.” Or as Trump puts it, “Just remember, what you are seeing and what you are reading is not what's happening." The phrase "fake news" is Trump’s way of telling people to rely on him and disbelieve anything inconvenient.

Personally, I continue to think that instability, chaos and lies, being stoked by elites and demagogues in a quest for cultural dominance and both political and economic power, could ultimately backfire, becoming the prologue to some evolutionary progress, an overdue awakening from primal fear. That doesn’t lessen the pain or impacts of repression and abuse in the meantime. But perhaps the current crisis can  open new possibilities and help point the way. 

If humanity does develop higher (as opposed to artificial) intelligence, the fear of conspiracies must be challenged and disarmed at its roots — secrecy and deception. This calls for more trust, compassion and positive energy than we appear to possess at the moment, something visionary, inclusive and empathetic to combat the cynicism, myopia and control inherent in the lust for power. 

"Positive energy is as real as gravity," wrote Wilson. If that epigram contains a vital kernel of truth, the antidote to negativity, secrecy and lies is to come back with all the positive energy you can muster. He called that the final secret of the Illuminati.

Earlier versions of this material were published by the Vermont Vanguard Press (1978), Upstart (1998) and Toward Freedom (2005).

Saturday, May 31, 2025

Maverick Origins: What’s in a Name?

Although the slide toward autocracy has been my recent focus, I’m also revising and releasing selections from Witness to the Fall, a collection of relevant previously published work — autobiographical reminiscences, as well as essays published in recent years. The introduction is below, followed by links to several chapters.


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I’ve been publicly sharing research and my views on local, national and global issues for more than half a century. At first in a high school paper and university magazine, then professionally in newspapers, magazines and online. My earliest regular column, for a Vermont daily, appeared in 1969 in the midst of the Vietnam war and cultural revolution of that era. I called it “Polarities in Our Time.”


About nine years later, when an “alternative” weekly was launched in Burlington, I tried again in a column called “Immediate Release.” It leaned more toward reportage — enterprise journalism and interviews — but continued to reflect subjects of personal interest, regardless of whether they were attracting public attention at the time. When I became editor of that paper, I dropped the column but wrote editorials weekly.


In 1983, after leaving the Vermont Vanguard Press, I syndicated a column that appeared in several newspapers — until taking a break, and an extended journey across the country and through Mexico. It was time to reflect and rethink my assumptions. 


More than a decade passed until I wrote an ongoing column again. The opportunity emerged when I returned to Vermont after several years in New Mexico and California, plus travels and life in Denmark and Germany. This time it was for another weekly. I called the reports “Maverick Chronicles.”


The name was chosen for several reasons. In 1985, I’d launched Maverick Bookstore and Gallery, which became a lively oasis in Burlington’s Old North End for several years during the Sanders era. The name felt appropriate, philosophically and also because the Lloyds, my son’s family on Robin Lloyd’s side, were actually related to the Maverick clan in Texas. 


Samuel Maverick was a pioneer with a big personality and the origin of the modern usage of the word. The official story is that he won a ranch in a card game and afterward declined to brand his steers. Unbranded steers became known around San Antonio as mavericks.


The TV show Maverick was pure fiction, but Brett Maverick was a cheeky anti-hero and personal favorite in my youth. There was also a real and large, real Maverick clan. Lola Maverick married Robin’s grandfather, who became famous briefly as a so-called “Communist millionaire.” Lola helped organize the Ford Peace Ship before World War I and co-founded the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom. Some of their children were activists as well, including Robin’s dad Bill. I would eventually become editor of Toward Freedom, the publication he founded in 1952.

 

So, when I thought about launching an independent business, as well as continuing my journalism and peace work, using Maverick to help define it felt apt. On the first anniversary of the bookstore, a group of modern Texas Mavericks sent a ceramic calf as a gift.  Since running the bookstore, which later relocated downtown and eventually merged with the local peace center’s book business, I have used it as a handle and publishing imprint. In 1997, “Maverick Chronicles” began a two year run as a weekly column in The Vermont Times, a weekly successor to The Vermont Vanguard Press


In the decades since then, I’ve written hundreds of essays for a variety of outlets, online and in print. You can find many of them on websites like the Center for Global Research, Toward Freedom, Truthout, VTDigger, ZNetwork, Muckrack and UPI. Books are available from Amazon. Now, along with the current series of posts released on Substack, I’m reviving Maverick Chronicles as a kicker and framework one more time.


A Writer’s Life


Even back in grade school, I felt the urge to communicate. Art and music came easily enough, but writing was irresistible. It felt like a compulsion. Over time, through economic and social necessity, I added the roles of editor and manager to the mix, and at times agent of change. Taking shape gradually, my goal was responsible advocacy, informed by a search for truth and a commitment to social justice and right livelihood. Those efforts, beliefs, commitments, and aspirations led to memorable encounters, journeys and insights I try to share — before I forget.


As Bill Maher once said, “With age comes wisdom, but only if you can remember it.”


I started writing stories at about 10, mostly short plays and satirical skits, performed in classes at holidays or special events. Next, as editor of The Lance, the student paper at Holy Cross High School, I took an early shot at opinion writing. Before graduating, reviews were appearing in a Long Island daily. At Syracuse University there was some newswriting and a supplement for the Daily Orange, plus essays and satire for Vintage, the campus magazine I designed and edited. 


In Bennington, still 21, it was a stretch to manage the daily newspaper’s darkroom and write everything from accidents to features on a deadline. But ultimately the Bennington Banner was a priceless training opportunity, time to get past any writer’s block.


After that on-the-job training, also an invaluable introduction to Vermont life, I was hired by Bennington College, where I mostly wrote press releases and covered promotional events, but also edited a quarterly, and experienced professional alienation for the first time. Luckily, the job didn’t last long and was followed by a mentally healthy shift into counseling and public service. Before long, however, the management at Champlain Work and Training Programs figured out that I could also write grants, which led to consulting work with school systems. Eventually, I wrote a federal grant for myself, which led to a campus office and graduate degree at the University of Vermont.


By 1975, I was teaching journalism and planning skills at the fledgling Burlington College, and running a local used bookstore called The Frayed Page with other members of a collective. The store was an organizing center for the growing anti-nuclear movement and spun off a magazine, culminating in a people’s history of the state. That eventually grew into Restless Spirits & Popular Movements: A Vermont HistoryI also freelanced for news services, magazines and community papers until a group of UVM grads launched two alternative weeklies in one year. The second presented a golden opportunity to use much of what I had learned about journalism and Vermont so far.


During my years with the Vanguard Press, I produced more than 50 cover stories and hundreds of news stories and features. For the first time since college I could experiment with New Journalism and test boundaries, trying anything the publishers allowed, writing first drafts of stories that would stay with me, developing and evolving for years. I also exposed public and private misdeeds, and interviewed everyone from prisoners and protesters to presidential wannabes.


Beyond that, I was part of a movement that transformed Burlington, produced a new Vermont political party, and launched the career of Bernie Sanders. That story was retold in two books, The People’s Republic and Managing ChaosFor decades my work has included an eclectic mixture of freelance assignments and investigations, trips, trials and profiles, syndicated columns, study guides, documentary scripts, candidate speeches, ad campaigns, position papers, conference addresses, radio broadcasts, legislative testimony, quarterly and annual reports, and grants for just causes from immigrant rights to nuclear sanity and environmental justice. Persuasive communication was part of almost every job.


Eventually, there were also 15 books, which rarely paid that well. My favorite is Spirits of Desire, a paranormal mystery set in the 1870s. In contrast, ghost writing was lucrative, though sometimes frustrating. After spending months looking deeply into a subject, despite being Buddhist it was tough to stay unattached when someone else took the credit.


Since February I’ve been thinking and writing about the slide toward an American-style autocracy. Going forward, some essays will continue to look at current events, but there will also be selections from Witness to the Fall, a collection of previously published work for periodicals and websites. I’ll share autobiographical reminiscences from the 1970s and 1980s, and articles developed and published during the last 15 years.


New essays on current events will be posted as the struggle to preserve democracy and human rights continues.



Witness to the Fall — Chapters


Unstuck in Time: When “The Plan” Blew Up

Bennington, Vonnegut and a Campus Breakdown


Consciousness & Conscience: Finding Right Livelihood

Lessons of Buddhism, Bernie and Public Service


The Rise of the Electronic Messiah, Part One


The Rise of the Electronic Messiah, Part Two


Democratic Distemper: Carter and the Trilateral Commission


Coming Up: Conspiracies and Reagan Myths


I hope you’ll subscribe (It’s currently free!) and stay in touch. 

https://mavmedia.substack.com/